Shall the People Rule?
William Jennings Bryan
(1860—1925)
Delivered in Lincoln, Nebr., on Aug. 12, 1908, in accepting the Democratic nomination for the Presidency.
I CANNOT accept the nomination which you officially tender, without first
acknowledging my deep indebtedness to the Democratic party for the extraordinary
honor which it has conferred upon me. Having twice before been a candidate
for the presidency, in campaigns which ended in defeat, a third nomination,
the result of the free and voluntary act of the voters of the party, can
only be explained by a substantial and undisputed growth in the principles
and policies for which I, with a multitude of others, have contended. As
these principles and policies have given me whatever political strength
I possess, the action of the convention not only renews my faith in them
but strengthens my attachment to them.
It is sufficient, at this time, to assure you that I am in hearty accord
with both the letter and the spirit of the platform. I endorse it in whole
and in part, and shall, if elected, regard its declarations as binding
upon me. And, I may add, a platform is binding as to what it omits as well
as to what it contains. According to the democratic idea, the people think
for themselves and select officials to carry out their wishes. The voters
are the sovereigns; the officials are the servants, employed for a fixed
time and at a stated salary to do what the sovereigns want done, and to
do it in the way the sovereigns want it done. Platforms are entirely in
harmony with this democratic idea. A platform announces the party’s position
on the questions which are at issue; and an official is not at liberty
to use the authority vested in him to urge personal views which have not
been submitted to the voters for their approval. If one is nominated upon
a platform which is not satisfactory to him, he must, if candid, either
decline the nomination, or, in accepting it, propose an amended platform
in lieu of the one adopted by the convention. No such situation, however,
confronts your candidate, for the platform upon which I was nominated not
only contains nothing from which I dissent, but it specifically outlines
all the remedial legislation which we can hope to secure during the next
four years.
The distinguished statesman who received the Republican nomination for
President said, in his notification speech:
“The strength of the Republican cause in the campaign at hand is the fact
that we represent the policies essential to the reform of known abuses,
to the continuance of liberty and true prosperity, and that we are determined,
as our platform unequivocally declares, to maintain them and carry them
on.”
In the name of the Democratic party, I accept the challenge, and charge that the Republican party is responsible for all the abuses which now exist in the federal Government, and that it is impotent to accomplish the reforms which are imperatively needed. Further, I cannot concur in the statement that the Republican platform unequivocally declares for the reforms that are necessary; on the contrary, I affirm that it openly and notoriously disappoints the hopes and expectations of reformers, whether those reformers be Republicans or Democrats. So far did the Republican convention fall short of its duty that the Republican candidate felt it necessary to add to his platform in several important particulars, thus rebuking the leaders of the party upon whose cooperation he must rely for the enactment of remedial legislation.
As I shall, in separate speeches, discuss the leading questions at issue,
I shall at this time confine myself to the paramount question, and to the
far-reaching purpose of our party, as that purpose is set forth in the
platform.
Our platform declares that the overshadowing issue which manifests itself
in all the questions now under discussion, is “Shall the people rule?”
No matter which way we turn; no matter to what subject we address ourselves,
the same question confronts us: Shall the people control their own Government
and use that Government for the protection of their rights and for the
promotion of their welfare? or shall the representatives of predatory wealth
prey upon a defenseless public, while the offenders secure immunity from
subservient officials whom they raise to power by unscrupulous methods?
This is the issue raised by the “known abuses” to which Mr. Taft refers.
In a message sent to Congress last January, President Roosevelt said:
“The attacks by these great corporations on the administration’s actions
have been given a wide circulation throughout the country, in the newspapers
and otherwise, by those writers and speakers who, consciously or unconsciously,
act as the representatives of predatory wealth—of the wealth accumulated
on a giant scale by all forms of iniquity, ranging from the oppression
of wage-earners to unfair and unwholesome methods of crushing out competition,
and to defrauding the public by stock-jobbing and the manipulation of securities.
Certain wealthy men of this stamp, whose conduct should be abhorrent to
every man of ordinarily decent conscience, and who commit the hideous wrong
of teaching our young men that phenomenal business success must ordinarily
be based on dishonesty, have, during the last few months, made it apparent
that they banded together to work for a reaction. Their endeavor is to
overthrow and discredit all who honestly administer the law, to prevent
any additional legislation which would check and restrain them, and to
secure, if possible, a freedom from all restraint which will permit every
unscrupulous wrong-doer to do what he wishes unchecked, provided he has
enough money.”
What an arraignment of the predatory interests!
Is the President’s indictment true? And, if true, against whom was the
indictment directed? Not against the Democratic party.
Mr. Taft says that these evils have crept in during the last ten years.
He declares that, during this time, some
“prominent and influential members of the community, spurred by financial success and in their hurry for greater wealth, became unmindful of the common rules of business honesty arid fidelity, and of the limitations imposed by law upon their actions”;
and that
“the revelations of the breaches of trusts, the disclosures as to rebates
and discriminations by railroads, the accumulating evidence of the violations
of the anti-trust laws, by a number of corporations, and the overissue
of stocks and bonds of interstate railroads for the unlawful enriching
of directors and for the purpose of concentrating the control of the railroads
under one management”—
—all these, he charges, “quickened the conscience of the people and brought
on a moral awakening.”
During all this time, I beg to remind you, Republican officials presided in the executive department, filled the cabinet, dominated the Senate, controlled the House of Representatives and occupied most of the federal judgeships. Four years ago the Republican platform boastfully declared that since 1860—with the exception of two years—the Republican party had been in control of part or of all the branches of the federal Government; that for two years only was the Democratic party in a position to either enact or repeal a law. Having drawn the salaries; having enjoyed the honors; having secured the prestige, let the Republican party accept the responsibility!
Why were these “known abuses” permitted to develop? Why have they not been
corrected? If existing laws are sufficient, why have they not been enforced?
All of the executive machinery of the federal Government is in the hands
of the Republican party. Are new laws necessary? Why have they not been
enacted? With a Republican President to recommend, with a Republican Senate
and House to carry out his recommendations, why does the Republican candidate
plead for further time in which to do what should have been done long ago?
Can Mr. Taft promise to be more strenuous in the prosecution of wrongdoers
than the present executive? Can he ask for a larger majority in the Senate
than his party now has? Does he need more Republicans in the House of Representatives
or a speaker with more unlimited authority?
The President’s close friends have been promising for several years that
he would attack the iniquities of the tariff. We have had intimation that
Mr. Taft was restive under the demands of the highly protected industries.
And yet the influence of the manufacturers, who have for twenty-five years
contributed to the Republican campaign fund, and who in return have framed
the tariff schedules, has been sufficient to prevent tariff reform. As
the present campaign approached, both the President and Mr. Taft declared
in favor of tariff revision, but set the date of revision after the election.
The pressure brought to bear by the protected interests has been great
enough to prevent any attempt at tariff reform before the election; and
the reduction promised after the election is so hedged about with qualifying
phrases, that no one can estimate with accuracy the sum total of tariff
reform to be expected in case of Republican success. If the past can be
taken as a guide, the Republican party will be so obligated by campaign
contributions from the beneficiaries of protection, as to make that party
powerless to bring to the country any material relief from the present
tariff burdens.
A few years ago the Republican leaders in the House of Representatives
were coerced by public opinion into the support of an anti-trust law which
had the endorsement of the President, but the Senate refused even to consider
the measure, and since that time no effort has been made by the dominant
party to secure remedial legislation upon this subject.
For ten years the Interstate Commerce Commission has been asking for an enlargement of its powers, that it might prevent rebates and discriminations, but a Republican Senate and a Republican House of Representatives were unmoved by its entreaties. In 1900 the Republican national convention was urged to endorse the demand for railway legislation, but its platform was silent on the subject. Even in 1904, the convention gave no pledge to remedy these abuses. When the President finally asked for legislation, he drew his inspiration from three Democratic national platforms and he received more cordial support from the Democrats than from the Republicans. The Republicans in the Senate deliberately defeated several amendments offered by Senator LaFollette and supported by the Democrats—amendments embodying legislation asked by the Interstate Commerce Commission. One of these amendments authorized the ascertainment of the value of railroads. This amendment was not only defeated by the Senate, but it was overwhelmingly rejected by the recent Republican national convention, and the Republican candidate has sought to rescue his party from the disastrous results of this act by expressing himself, in a qualified way, in favor of ascertaining the value of the railroads.
Mr. Taft complains of the overissue of stocks and bonds of railroads, “for
the unlawful enriching of directors and for the purpose of concentrating
the control of the railroads under one management,” and the complaint is
well founded. But, with a President to point out the evil, and a Republican
Congress to correct it, we find nothing done for the protection of the
public. Why? My honorable opponent has, by his confession, relieved me
of the necessity of furnishing proof; he admits the condition and he cannot
avoid the logical conclusion that must be drawn from the admission. There
is no doubt whatever that a large majority of the voters of the Republican
party recognize the deplorable situation which Mr. Taft describes; they
recognize that the masses have had but little influence upon legislation
or upon the administration of the Government, and they are beginning to
understand the cause. For a generation, the Republican party has drawn
its campaign funds from the beneficiaries of special legislation. Privileges
have been pledged and granted in return for money contributed to debauch
elections. What can be expected when official authority is turned over
to the representatives of those who first furnish the sinews of war and
then reimburse themselves out of the pockets of the taxpayers?
So long as the Republican party remains in power, it is powerless to regenerate
itself. It cannot attack wrongdoing in high places without disgracing many
of its prominent members, and it, therefore, uses opiates instead of the
surgeon’s knife. Its malefactors construe each Republican victory as an
endorsement of their conduct and threaten the party with defeat if they
are interfered with. Not until that party passes through a period of fasting
in the wilderness will the Republican leaders learn to study public questions
from the standpoint of the masses. Just as with individuals, “the cares
of this world and the deceitfulness of riches choke the truth,” so in politics,
when party leaders serve far away from home and are not in constant contact
with the voters, continued party success blinds their eyes to the needs
of the people and makes them deaf to the cry of distress.
An effort has been made to secure legislation requiring publicity as to
campaign contributions and expenditures; but the Republican leaders, even
in the face of an indignant public, refused to consent to a law which would
compel honesty in elections. When the matter was brought up in the recent
Republican national convention, the plank was repudiated by a vote of 880
to 94. Here, too, Mr. Taft has been driven to apologize for his convention
and to declare himself in favor of a publicity law; and yet, if you will
read what he says upon this subject, you will find that his promise falls
far short of the requirements of the situation. He says:
“If I am elected President, I shall urge upon Congress, with every hope
of success, that a law be passed requiring the filing, in a federal office,
of a statement of the contributions received by committees and candidates
in elections for members of Congress, and in such other elections as are
constitutionally within the control of Congress.”
I shall not embarrass him by asking him upon what he bases his hope of
success; it is certainly not on any encouragement he has received from
Republican leaders. It is sufficient to say that if his hopes were realized—if,
in spite of the adverse action of his convention, he should succeed in
securing the enactment of the very law which he favors, it would give but
partial relief. He has read the Democratic platform; not only his language,
but his evident alarm, indicates that he has read it carefully. He even
had before him the action of the Democratic national committee in interpreting
and applying that platform; and yet he fails to say that he favors the
publication of the contributions before the election. Of course, it satisfies
a natural curiosity to find out how an election has been purchased, even
when the knowledge comes too late to be of service, but why should the
people be kept in darkness until the election is past? Why should the locking
of the door be delayed until the horse is gone?
An election is a public affair. The people, exercising the right to select their officials and to decide upon the policies to be pursued, proceed to their several polling places on election day and register their will. What excuse can be given for secrecy as to the influences at work? If a man, pecuniarily interested in “concentrating the control of the railroads in one management,” subscribes a large sum to aid in carrying the election, why should his part in the campaign be concealed until he has put the officials under obligation to him? If a trust magnate contributes $100,000 to elect political friends to office with a view to presenting hostile legislation, why should that fact be concealed until his friends are securely seated in their official positions?
This is not a new question; it is a question which has been agitated—a
question which the Republican leaders fully understand—a question which
the Republican candidate has studied, and yet he refuses to declare himself
in favor of the legislation absolutely necessary, namely, legislation requiring
publication before the election.
How can the people hope to rule if they are not able to learn, until after
the election, what the predatory interests are doing? The Democratic party
meets the issue honestly and courageously. It says:
“We pledge the Democratic party to the enactment of a law prohibiting any
corporation from contributing to a campaign fund, and any individual from
contributing an amount above a reasonable maximum, and providing for the
publication, before election, of all such contributions above a reasonable
minimum.”
The Democratic national committee immediately proceeded to interpret and
apply this plank, announcing that no contributions would be received from
corporations, that no individual would be allowed to contribute more than
$10,000, and that all contributions above $100 would be made public before
the election—those received before October 15 to be made public on or before
that day, those received afterward to be made public on the day when received,
and no such contributions to be accepted within three days of the election.
The expenditures are to be published after the election. Here is a plan
which is complete and effective.
Next to the corrupt use of money, the present method of electing United
States Senators is most responsible for the obstruction of reforms. For
one hundred years after the adoption of the constitution, the demand for
the popular election of Senators, while finding increased expression, did
not become a dominant sentiment. A constitutional amendment had from time
to time been suggested and the matter had been more or less discussed in
a few of the States, but the movement had not reached a point where it
manifested itself through Congressional action. In the Fifty-second Congress,
however, a resolution was reported from a house committee proposing the
necessary constitutional amendment, and this resolution passed the House
of Representatives by a vote which was practically unanimous. In the Fifty-third
Congress a similar resolution was reported to, and adopted by, the House
of Representatives. Both the Fifty-second and Fifty-third Congresses were
Democratic. The Republicans gained control of the House as a result of
the election of 1894 and in the Fifty-fourth Congress the proposition died
in committee. As time went on, however, the sentiment grew among the people,
until it forced a Republican Congress to follow the example set by the
Democrats, and then another and another Republican Congress acted favorably.
State after State has endorsed this reform, until nearly two-thirds of
the States have recorded themselves in its favor. The United States Senate,
however, impudently and arrogantly obstructs the passage of the resolution,
notwithstanding the fact that the voters of the United States, by an overwhelming
majority, demand it. And this refusal is the more significant when it is
remembered that a number of Senators owe their election to great corporate
interests. Three Democratic national platforms—the platforms of 1900, 1904
and 1908—specifically call for a change in the constitution which will
put the election of Senators in the hands of the voters, and the proposition
has been endorsed by a number of the smaller parties, but no Republican
national convention has been willing to champion the cause of the people
on this subject. The subject was ignored by the Republican national convention
in 1900; it was ignored in 1904, and the proposition was explicitly repudiated
in 1908, for the recent Republican national convention, by a vote of 866
to 114, rejected the plank endorsing the popular election of Senators—and
this was done in the convention which nominated Mr. Taft, few delegates
from his own State voting for the plank.
In his notification speech, the Republican candidate, speaking of the election
of Senators by the people, says: “Personally, I am inclined to favor it,
but it is hardly a party question.” What is necessary to make this a party
question? When the Democratic convention endorses a proposition by a unanimous
vote, and the Republican convention rejects the proposition by a vote of
seven to one, does it not become an issue between the parties? Mr. Taft
cannot remove the question from the arena of politics by expressing a personal
inclination toward the Democratic position. For several years he has been
connected with the administration. What has he ever said or done to bring
this question before the public? What enthusiasm has he shown in the reformation
of the Senate? What influence could he exert in behalf of a reform which
his party has openly and notoriously condemned in its convention, and to
which he is attached only by a belated expression of personal inclination?
“Shall the people rule?” Every remedial measure of a national character must run the gauntlet of the Senate. The President may personally incline toward a reform; the House may consent to it; but as long as the Senate obstructs the reform, the people must wait. The President may heed a popular demand; the House may yield to public opinion; but as long as the Senate is defiant, the rule of the people is defeated. The Democratic platform very properly describes the popular election of Senators as “the gateway to other national reforms.” Shall we open the gate, or shall we allow the exploiting interests to bar the way by the control of this branch of the federal legislature? Through a Democratic victory, and through a Democratic victory only, can the people secure the popular election of Senators. The smaller parties are unable to secure this reform; the Republican party, under its present leadership, is resolutely opposed to it; the Democratic party stands for it and has boldly demanded it. If I am elected to the presidency, those who are elected upon the ticket with me will be, like myself, pledged to this reform, and I shall convene Congress in extraordinary session immediately after inauguration, and ask, among other things, for the fulfillment of this platform pledge.
The third instrumentality employed to defeat the will of the people is
found in the rules of the House of Representatives. Our platform points
out that “the house of representatives was designed by the fathers of the
constitution to be the popular branch of our Government, responsive to
the public will,” and adds:
“The House of Representatives, as controlled in recent years by the Republican
party, has ceased to be a deliberative and legislative body, responsive
to the will of a majority of the members, but has come under the absolute
domination of the speaker, who has entire control of its deliberations
and powers of legislation.
“We have observed with amazement the popular branch of our Federal Government helpless to obtain either the consideration or enactment of measures desired by a majority of its members.”
This arraignment is fully justified. The reform Republicans in the House
of Representatives, when in the minority in their own party, are as helpless
to obtain a hearing or to secure a vote upon a measure as are the Democrats.
In the recent session of the present Congress, there was a considerable
element in the Republican party favorable to remedial legislation; but
a few leaders, in control of the organization, despotically suppressed
these members, and thus forced a real majority in the House to submit to
a well-organized minority. The Republican national convention, instead
of rebuking this attack upon popular government, eulogized Congress and
nominated as the Republican candidate for Vice-President one of the men
who shared in the responsibility for the coercion of the House. Our party
demands that “the House of Representatives shall again become a deliberative
body, controlled by a majority of the people’s representatives, and not
by the speaker,” and is pledged to adopt “such rules and regulations to
govern the House of Representatives as will enable a majority of its members
to direct its deliberations and control legislation.”
“Shall the people rule?” They can not do so unless they can control the
House of Representatives, and, through their representatives in the House,
give expression to their purposes and their desires. The Republican party
is committed to the methods now in vogue in the House of Representatives;
the Democratic party is pledged to such a revision of the rules as will
bring the popular branch of the Federal Government into harmony with the
ideas of those who framed our constitution and founded our Government.
“Shall the people rule?” I repeat, is declared by our platform to be the
overshadowing question, and as the campaign progresses, I shall take occasion
to discuss this question as it manifests itself in other issues; for whether
we consider the tariff question, the trust question, the railroad question,
the banking question, the labor question, the question of imperialism,
the development of our waterways, or any other of the numerous problems
which press for solution, we shall find that the real question involved
in each is, whether the Government shall remain a mere business asset of
favor-seeking corporations or be an instrument in the hands of the people
for the advancement of the common weal.
If the voters are satisfied with the record of the Republican party and with its management of public affairs, we cannot reasonably ask for a change in administration; if, however, the voters feel that the people, as a whole, have too little influence in shaping the policies of the Government; if they feel that great combinations of capital have encroached upon the rights of the masses, and employed the instrumentalities of government to secure an unfair share of the total wealth produced, then we have a right to expect a verdict against the Republican party and in favor of the Democratic party; for our party has risked defeat—aye, suffered defeat—in its effort to arouse the conscience of the public and to bring about that very awakening to which Mr. Taft has referred.
Only those are worthy to be entrusted with leadership in a great cause
who are willing to die for it, and the Democratic party has proven its
worthiness by its refusal to purchase victory by delivering the people
into the hands of those who have despoiled them. In this contest between
Democracy on the one side and plutocracy on the other, the Democratic party
has taken its position on the side of equal rights, and invites the opposition
of those who use politics to secure special privileges and governmental
favoritism. Gauging the progress of the nation, not by the happiness or
wealth or refinement of a few, but by the prosperity and advancement of
the average man, the Democratic party charges the Republican party with
being the promoter of present abuses, the opponent of necessary remedies
and the only bulwark of private monopoly. The Democratic party affirms
that in this campaign it is the only party having a prospect of success,
which stands for justice in government and for equity in the distribution
of the fruits of industry.
We may expect those who have committed larceny by law and purchased immunity
with their political influence, to attempt to raise false issues, and to
employ “the livery of Heaven” to conceal their evil purposes, but they
can no longer deceive. The Democratic party is not the enemy of any legitimate
industry or of honest accumulations. It is, on the contrary, a friend of
industry and the steadfast protector of that wealth which represents a
service to society. The Democratic party does not seek to annihilate all
corporations; it simply asserts that, as the Government creates corporations,
it must retain the power to regulate and to control them, and that it should
not permit any corporation to convert itself into a monopoly. Surely we
should have the cooperation of all legitimate corporations in our effort
to protect business and industry from the odium which lawless combinations
of capital will, if unchecked, cast upon them. Only by the separation of
the good from the bad can the good be made secure.
The Democratic party seeks not revolution but reformation, and I need hardly
remind the student of history that cures are mildest when applied at once;
that remedies increase in severity as their application is postponed. Blood
poisoning may be stopped by the loss of a finger to-day; it may cost an
arm to-morrow or a life the next day. So poison in the body politic cannot
be removed too soon, for the evils produced by it increase with the lapse
of time.
That there are abuses which need to be remedied, even the Republican candidate
admits; that his party is unable to remedy them has been fully demonstrated
during the last ten years. I have such confidence in the intelligence as
well as the patriotism of the people, that I cannot doubt their readiness
to accept the reasonable reforms which our party proposes, rather than
permit the continued growth of existing abuses to hurry the country on
to remedies more radical and more drastic.
The platform of our party closes with a brief statement of the party’s ideal. It favors “such an administration of the Government as will insure, as far as human wisdom can, that each citizen shall draw from society a reward commensurate with his contribution to the welfare of society.”
Governments are good in proportion as they assure to each member of society, so far as governments can, a return proportionate to individual merit.
There is a Divine law of rewards. When the Creator gave us the earth, with its fruitful soil, the sunshine with its warmth, and the rains with their moisture, He proclaimed, as clearly as if His voice had thundered from the clouds: “Go work, and according to your industry and your intelligence, so shall be your reward.” Only where might has overthrown, cunning undermined or government suspended this law, has a different law prevailed. To conform the Government to this law ought to be the ambition of the statesman; and no party can have a higher mission than to make it a reality wherever governments can legitimately operate.
Recognizing that I am indebted for my nomination to the rank and file of our party, and that my election must come, if it comes at all, from the unpurchased and unpurchasable suffrages of the American people, I promise, if entrusted with the responsibilities of this high office, to concentrate whatever ability I have to the one purpose of making this, in fact, a government in which the people rule—a government which will do justice to all, and offer to every one the highest possible stimulus to great and persistent effort, by assuring to each the enjoyment of his just share of the proceeds of his toil, no matter in what part of the vineyard he labors, or to what occupation, profession or calling he devotes himself.
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